Merkel vs. Merz: Suddenly the former chancellor is opposition leader in her own party

On Tuesday, a heavy, sultry evening air hung in the courtyard of Schwerin Castle. Angela Merkel stood on the stage. Calm, focused, a wise lady in a purple jacket. No hurricane of applause. No pathos. But tense silence – as always when the woman who ruled Germany for 16 years speaks, then seemingly vanished into freedom, and now, as former Chancellor, is suddenly back – not in the government, not in the Chancellery, but as a member of the opposition. Against whom? Against her own party.

Yes, exactly – against the CDU , whose often arch-conservative ideology she once exorcised, pushed it toward the center, and to which she steadily delivered electoral success after electoral success. Now she seems like a relic there. Many of her party colleagues may even perceive her as a disruptive factor.

Today's CDU wants nothing more to do with the CDU of 2015. Especially not with Merkel's refugee policy. Chancellor Friedrich Merz now speaks of restrictions and repatriations, of controlled borders, and an end to family reunification. He was never a fan of her line. And today he is her political opposite—not only in tone, but also in actions.

But Merkel defends her course. Calmly, stoically, even defiantly. In Schwerin, she says: "I would make the same decision from 2015 again." Not a retreat. Not a downplaying. More like a rebuttal – against the new course of her old party. And a quiet rehabilitation of her policies. The Chancellor of stability, of all people, is becoming the troublemaker of the Union.

Merkel was always the physicist among chancellors

Yet Merkel was never a great ideologist. She was more of a physicist among chancellors—sober, calculating, quietly guiding. Robert Habeck once called her "normality in perfection." One could imagine her peeling potatoes or watching "Tatort" (a German crime series). She was never adept at pathos. She was certainly adept at mockery and cutting wit.

And yet: her major decisions were morally justified. Herrefugee policy , for example – criticized today by many, glorified by others. Merkel still calls it "humane." Others call it her biggest mistake. The audience in Schwerin is friendly, but not euphoric. Those who pay the 25 euro entry fee and have to submit their questions in advance don't boo. And yet resentment is brewing – even among her fans. "We had our first marital dispute because of Merkel," one visitor admits. Another says: "She kept us together." Even though a third of his neighbors now vote for the AfD.

Former Chancellor Merkel: In truth, it is about more than just looking back

Merkel hears this. And reacts. Discriminatingly, indirectly. Just as she always has. She sees that the phrase "We can do it" has become a burden for many. And yet she sticks to it. There's only one thing she doesn't accept: that the AfD is claiming the phrase "We are the people" for itself. "We are all the people," she says. And adds: "Including Ms. Merkel." That's no joke. That's a stance.

In truth, it's about more than just looking back. Merkel is coming to terms with the present. And the CDU's. She's no longer sitting on the government bench; she's contradicting – quietly but firmly. When Defense Minister Boris Pistorius speaks of "war capability," Merkel counters with "peace capability." Only a word difference – but a political world in between. When Merz speaks of "migration restrictions," Merkel reminds us of the responsibility at the border and expresses surprise that she understood EU law differently. Boom. Her words have become softer – but their effect has not.

That she's re-entering the debate now, in 2025, is no coincidence. It's a strategy. And it's a counter-argument—against Merz's course, against the CDU's new sound design, against the tactic of winning back AfD voters through more law and order, with harshness at the border. A signal: Merkel is still here. Perhaps she wants to be her party's conscience. Or perhaps even its thorn in its side.

And the CDU? It has distanced itself from the party—not secretly, but confidently. The "open arms" approach to refugee policy is a gesture of the past. The moral reflex of that time weighs on the CDU today. Merkel is blamed for the rise of the AfD, for overwhelmed municipalities, for the lack of integration. In her homeland, the East, the former chancellor has long since lost favor. In Saxony-Anhalt, the AfD could provide its first state premier in 2026.

Merkel couldn't care less. At least she could. She has nothing to do with it anymore. Or does she?

More than stubbornness: A campaign against the restructuring of the CDU

In truth, her new role is clear: Merkel has become the intra-party opposition . Not loudly, but effectively. Not with power—but with memory. It is a campaign against the restructuring of the Union.

The opposition within its own ranks has a name. A familiar face, hands folded in a diamond shape. A firm but maternal gaze. No longer a chancellor—but a missionary on her own behalf. This poses a lot of explosive potential for the party in already difficult times. But was Angela Merkel ever concerned about the CDU?