The hoax of the Milan investigation: many wiretaps, no crimes

The Milan investigation ended up bursting with colorful soap bubbles. A few wiretaps were uncovered, along with some testimonies, numerous hypotheses, and jumbled judgments, all of which demonstrate the absolute innocence of the guilty parties. Yes, the innocence of the guilty parties. It turns out that the politicians exposed to public ridicule weren't actually guilty of corruption, but of " corrupt behavior." It wasn't that they took bribes, but were arrogant, and it wasn't that they broke the laws, but that they cynically used them to their advantage and even planned to create new ones.

It's the same old story. Probably even more so. The sheer nothingness that underlies this investigation even surpasses the clouds of the Genoa investigation against former governor Toti, forced to resign to avoid being held in unlawful detention, accused of boarding a billionaire's sailboat and accepting legitimate and declared funding for his party. This time, nothing. Not a single euro. The instrument of corruption is missing, the object of corruption is missing, and then the corrupted and the corrupters are missing. There's only the publication of wiretaps of freewheeling conversations between a dozen defendants, and evidence that some of them pressured their plans to come to fruition (while it's well known that, in politics, honest politicians usually pressure their own plans to be scuttled).

So what was the aim of this new investigation? To block the so-called Milan rescue law, which, if passed, would have given private construction too much leeway. And this is true. That law (supported in parliament primarily by the Italian Democratic Party (FdI)) is, at first glance, a terrible law. It privileges the Milan of the rich over the Milan of the poor , and the business of developers over the rights of individual citizens. Except I'd always thought it was up to politicians to fight against bad laws, not the judiciary. Otherwise, it's a complete mess. The historic distinction between powers is collapsing, and it continually happens that a deputy prosecutor arrogates to himself the right to change the political balance in a city or region. In Genoa, the target was the center-right regional government, which instead survived. That is, it succumbed to Toti 's blackmail but then returned to power by winning the elections (although a few months later, the center-right probably paid the price, somewhat belatedly, by spectacularly losing the municipal elections).

Perhaps the same thing happened here in Milan . And finally, a party refused to accept the diktat of the "Prosecutor's Office." The Democratic Party finally took courage and dissociated itself from the powerful axis formed by the iron bond between the prosecutors' offices and the Five Star Movement . A segment of the right, for the first time (and credit to Meloni ), avoided speculation and didn't launch a barrage of attacks against Sala (also because it was difficult to argue that the Milan bailout wasn't a law welcomed and sponsored by the right). And so Sala withstood the shock and remains in his position. Is this a first sign for the prosecutors' office party? Let's hope so. However, if legislative action isn't taken, removing from that party some tools too powerful to be left at the prosecutors' disposal (I'm thinking of the reckless and widespread use of wiretaps), power will always remain on their side, I know. Reason, however, isn't.

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Piero Sansonetti