Left Party Congress | Left: Mass and Class

There are traditions within the Left that have endured despite all the changes in content and personnel. One of them is the singing of the "Internationale" at the end of a party conference. The party director always plays the first verse, and the delegates enthusiastically belt out the second and third verses as well. It has now become customary to spice up the anthem of the labor movement with "Red Front" chants. At the Chemnitz party conference this weekend, there was a new innovation: After the line "We are the strongest of the parties," the interjection "It would be nice!" was heard.

This succinctly outlines where The Left currently stands . After a profound crisis, it is still there, or back—depending on your level of optimism—and is even significantly stronger. But it also faces significant challenges: A federal government dominated by the CDU/CSU, which has shifted significantly to the right, has recently taken office; the far-right AfD bloc is alarmingly large in the Bundestag, state parliaments, and in polls; global conflicts no longer follow a simple good-evil pattern—if they ever did.

In this situation, The Left Party unexpectedly has a major advantage: more than 60,000 new members since last summer, who joined the Left Party primarily during the election campaign, out of outrage over the tightened asylum and migration policies, in protest against the growing strength of the AfD, and in reaction to the BSW split. But mass alone isn't enough, even though it provided noticeable support during the election campaign.

Enthusing tens of thousands of young people for The Left in an emotional moment is one thing. Integrating them permanently—even when it involves the arduous struggle of the levels when the headwinds once again become stronger—is something entirely different. If the Left's upswing in recent months is not to be a flash in the pan, and if the goal of an organizing class party announced in Chemnitz is not to remain a phantom, then this Left needs at least one major joint project. This could be campaigns for a nationwide rent cap—an issue that is, in the best sense, applicable to everyday life—and, as a prerequisite, training and education.

What The Left intends to do here, especially for the tens of thousands of new, mostly very young members, could, in the best case, result in a new quality of political action. The term "learning party," used by co-party leader Ines Schwerdtner, sounds sympathetic and not condescending; the Left's call for longer, collaborative learning in education policy could take on a new, intergenerational significance here. This learning will be based on reciprocity. Young members will contribute their perspectives and interests. Inevitably, the climate crisis as a global issue and climate justice as a central social question, as well as the fight against war and for peace, will become more of a focus for The Left than recently, because they directly relate to the life prospects of the younger generations. Differences in this regard must be resolved and cannot be permanently relegated to the background. This will also be a task of the announced renewal of the party platform.

If the Left Party wants to change society on such essential issues, it needs more clout on the streets and in parliaments. The upcoming local and state elections this year and next, in which the party has a lot at stake, could be a step in this direction. The local elections in North Rhine-Westphalia and elsewhere are intended to consolidate the party's base, which has been crumbling in recent years. The state elections in Baden-Württemberg and Rhineland-Palatinate are intended to finally send more than just a sign of life deep in the West. And in Saxony-Anhalt, Berlin, and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, it is not least about regaining East German competence and strength. There is still a long way to go before an opposition party can drive the government forward—as was heard at the party conference.